'Prisoners of Geography' and Geopolitics

 by Sophie Haworth


‘Prisoners of Geography’ was my first academic introduction to geopolitics. I had my first taste during the Military History trip to Gallipoli, Turkey, where I learnt how the terrain and topography of the region and the straits set up the Ottomans for eventual success, and began to research the influence of waterways in geopolitics as a potential EPQ topic. Though no longer my project area, this book proved an invaluable resource for general introductory, but detailed, knowledge in this area. Although not an exhaustive account, it was incredibly insightful and a fascinating look into international relations as dictated by geography. The title clearly summarises the impact that geography has on the prospects and influence of a country. Their future is clearly defined by the ground (or lack of) they stand on, and the climate, resources and waterways they have at their disposal. The book covered the dominant geographical and political countries/areas, whilst providing detailed scope for future and current conflict. 

Specifically pertinent was the chapter on Russia, in which Marshall accurately predicts the key battle grounds in any Russia-Ukraine conflict, which were at a predisposition due to their geography. It deepened my understanding of this highly relevant topic and war, with the geographical reasons for the conflict, rather than the political - an alternative view which exposes key underlying motivations. Russia’s ongoing struggle for a warm water port largely dictates its international relations, as it severely restricts its trade opportunities and leaves it heavily reliant on other countries. For example, they rely on Turkey to allow their ships (both cargo and navy) passage through their waterways (Bosphorus and Dardanelles Straits). Marshall also spoke about the Russian strategy of ‘offence as defence’, a highly resonant idea that has a significant influence on their foreign policy, as clearly detailed with the events surrounding the 2022 invasion of Ukraine. Additionally, the use of natural resources as a blackmailing source is a highly important idea in regards to Russia, as seen with the energy crises occurring across Europe this winter. They have significant bargaining power over other nations because of this; their large oil and gas reserves which serve much of Europe, notably Germany, grant them an upper hand in international relations with these reliant nations. This aids them in helping to avoid decisive European intervention, as well as the significant deterrent of (even if a slightly weaked) NATO.

Its interaction with the concept of NATO is a particularly relevant issue in politics currently, and also manipulates its interactions with neighbouring NATO countries, for example Turkey. It is evident that its presence acts as a clear and vital deterrent in International Relations, especially regarding the intense concentration of power in Moscow. Russia has the ability to trigger a global crisis by invading (accidentally or intentionally) nearby NATO members, and is arguably edging the closest we have been to another global conflict since the end of the Cold War.


Studying how China’s politics is clearly defined by their geographical strategy and aims is a fascinating reflection of their government and political atmosphere. The Communist Party looks to entrench its control and establish its dominance through geographical conquests, such as in Taiwan and Hong Kong. Its continued suspicion of the Western World forces it to seek further security through territory and international deals with third-world African countries. For example, their close friendship with African nations is demonstrated through their substantial trade agreements and influence in domestic affairs; China imports ⅓ of its oil from Africa and is a key trade partner for raw materials, as well as establishing key infrastructure in countries and investing in ports such as Mombasa, Kenya to benefit them in the long run. This allows them to continue to create this sense of overarching and inescapable economic control across the world, especially in these most vulnerable and easily-exploited, resource rich countries. And these countries readily accept China’s aid, as unlike other powerful nations there is little question of reform, human rights and anti-corruption measures, (p140) due to China’s own record and society under the Communist Party’s control. The chapter is an absorbing mix between China’s own policies in neighbouring countries, and its foreign policies dictated by its natural, geographical shortcomings and the constraints of a rapidly expanding population. The underlying importance of politics and the dominant ruling government there is more prominent here than anywhere else in the book.


As I have a personal interest in American politics, especially foreign policy for my EPQ, the American chapter was useful to understand the almost total immunity and safety America is afforded by its geographical features. This has allowed them over time to develop into the dominant superpower that they are today, granting them resources and time to increasingly interact with the idea of globalism. What I found specifically interesting is their strategic morals regarding human rights; in 2017 they condemned Syrian human rights abuses and took military action in retaliation, but failed to condemn Bahraini abuses, as their territory is of strategic importance to the US, housing fleets of the American military (p81). It can be argued that though America is presented as this wholly morally upstanding and righteous nation, that they are willing to grant moral immunity to those nations geographically important to the current or future success of the country. This is an ongoing theme across many nations, but specifically pertinent when regarding America, as it shows that despite their immense power, they still require the cooperation and goodwill of other nations, whilst also tarnishing their records on standing up for liberty. As depicted in Bernard Perlin’s famous ‘Americans will always stand up for Liberty’ poster, showing colonial soldiers side by side with American WW2 soldiers, this global intervention and fight for liberty still resonates in Washington today, with their global war on terror and general intervention, moving away from the early 20th century values of Isolationism. 

Another interesting topic explored in the American chapter was the union of the states. The individual economies and contributions of the state cannot be understated; California itself has an economy larger than every other nation in the world, barring Germany, China, Japa and the US as a whole. (p90). In this way, it would be expected for the union of the states to be far less important than it is, as each is able to function somewhat independently of the Federal establishment. However, in America, the union is largely undisputed, with the underlying sense of American-ness and patriotism an identifying feature across the nation. This is something that other establishments such as the European Union could only dream of - the nations function entirely separately from each other, with the establishment arguably on the decline, symbolised by our own eventual departure in 2020. It is clear that the unbreakable unity of the states has set up the country for success, and that its protected geographical nature has nurtured it into the most influential country of this century.


The chapter on Africa was an incredibly comprehensive look into how the continent was at a predisposition for many of the problems it faces today, and how it never stood a chance to become an influential area due to geographical reasons. It is clear that access to ports significantly affects the prosperity and outlooks for a country, and this is no different for African nations. Their coastlines have ‘terrible natural harbours’ (p120) and internal river systems which are ‘rubbish for actually transporting anything’. Thus unlike European countries who were able to develop cohesively as a continent, trading wares and ideas across easily navigable rivers such as the Danube and the Rhine, African countries are largely isolated from each other, with disjointed and tumultuous rivers. The poor waterways of the continent have acted as a key restraint in their development, and limited the mixing of populations, thus introducing vastly differing language as another barrier in trade and relations. Furthermore, the continent has had artificial geographical barriers put in place by occupying nations. The role of European countries such as France and Britain have had a lasting and damaging impact on the function and role of Africa, quashing their chances from the beginning. The synthetic barriers imposed by these foreign powers continue to impact the continent to this day, causing international disputes between neighbouring countries, and isolating ethnic groups. As concisely summarised on page 125, ‘many Africans are now partially the prisoners of the political geography the Europeans made’, which, along with poor underlying geographical features, have had a devastating impact on the stability of the regions. 

The chapter lists arrays of conflicts, such as Sudan, Somalia and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) which can be attributed to previous European geographical intervention. The lasting impact of imperialism cannot be understated; it has left African nations vulnerable to unstable and tyrannical governments, leaving them in a constant state of chaos and unpredictability. This prevents them from resisting other countries taking advantage of them, further solidifying the permanent state of domestic disarray. As Marshall puts it, without a ‘substantive central authority, [the countries] cannot really bite back’ (p129). It is important to mention that although limited by its poor harbours and waterways, the continent is blessed with a vast array of natural resources, notably mineral wealth. This, along with the political instability prevalent across the region, leaves it vulnerable to exploitation by more developed countries, which has been rife in its history as a continent. And, with money to be made, inevitably greedy and corrupt individuals aim to rise to power in these territories. With little aim to advance their nations, they ‘have often been part of the problems rather than the solution’ (p131). The political instability and venality of many African leaders act to the detriment of the counties, and I was able to see first hand the difference in the function of politics in Africa whilst in Kenya during the general election this summer.


The last region I will focus on is the Arctic. Identified as a key future battleground for international relations, it is of increasing importance for all countries, especially those with a legitimate claim to the thawing territory. As climate change tightens its grip on the region, vast quantities of natural resources are being unlocked in the area; there are an estimated ‘1,670 trillion cubic feets of natural gas’ and ‘90 billion barrels of oil’ (p277) in the Arctic, leaving this mostly uninhabited region incredibly vulnerable to exploitation by nations who can develop the technology to extract the wealth the fastest. There is also the potential for further mineral deposits to be found, and deposits of ‘gold, zinc, nickel and iron’ (p278) have already been discovered in some surveyed areas. This makes the future of the Arctic an increasingly popular and vital global mission - a delicate balance of utilisation of resources whilst collectively preventing environmental degradation must be struck. An Arctic Council has already been established, including 8 member states with territory in the Arctic; Canada, Denmark (for Greenland), Russia, Finland, Norway, Sweden, Iceland, USA (Alaska). As these countries are (barring Russia), stable, democratic nations who have a history of working together, it seems that the mistakes made during past imperial eras may be avoided this time round. Though without a population, the security and prosperity of this continent is of global importance, and thus many countries have a stake in ensuring its safe existence. As of 2021, there were 13 states with observer status in the Arctic Council (who do not have territory there), reiterating the importance of this region - the development of the Arctic as a global priority has had a significant impact on international relations.

Though with severe consequences for other nations, such as the Netherlands, the continual melting of the Arctic ice-caps has developed new and efficient trade routes during certain periods of the year. Courses such as the Northwest Passage can cut ‘at least a week from the transit time from Europe to China’ (p277) as it is 40% shorter, with the deeper waters allowing an increased cargo load. The use of this route can reduce carbon emissions by thousands of tonnes, and could be a benefit of the geographical changes happening in the region. However, it could eventually cause tensions with nations such as Egypt and Panama who would have their canal revenues significantly reduced, an income which is integral to the running of their country. This could cause knock on effects and could undermine the domestic political sphere and stability. The use of these waterways is another key international relations flash point, dictated by geography and a human exploitation of it, as shown by the Suez Crisis in 1956 and the recent destabilising blockage in 2021, which had a huge impact on trade. Thus, though a greater variety of routes may benefit global trade on the whole, it increases the likelihood of further geopolitical tensions in the future.


In conclusion, there are some key lessons I have taken from this book. Politically unstable countries are not only far more likely to be exploited by foreign nations, but also to be destroyed domestically from within. Crucially, this political instability can stem from its geographical disposition, thus setting nations out on uneven footing. A region’s future is significantly determined by the geography it finds itself within, and this in turn dictates its international relations, e.g. its global independence or reliance on others, and thus all are reliant on the generosity of geography toward their country. Geography is inextricably linked to the function of international relations and politics.

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