Chelsea Liu discusses the role of the Cuban Missile Crisis and
the Berlin Crisis in the development of the Cold War.
Khrushchev and Kennedy |
The Cold War
was the state of high tension and hostility between the two superpower states —
the USA and the USSR from the 1940s to early 1990s. Two key crises within this
superpower struggle was the Berlin Crisis from 1958 to 1961 and the Cuban
Missile Crisis in 1962. The Berlin Crisis concerned the division of Berlin by
the construction of the Berlin Wall which demonstrated, the soviet leader,
Nikita Khrushchev’s struggle to prevent western influence in the soviet sphere,
particularly West Berlin. Whilst, the Cuban Missile Crisis was a 13-day direct
confrontation between the USA and the USSR initiated by the discovery of soviet
nuclear weapons on Cuba which pushed the globe closest to the threat of a
nuclear holocaust. Concerning the development of the Cold War, there are both
similarities and differences to be drawn from these two crises evaluated
through the causes, actions and policies taken of the crises and the
significance to the Cold War.
Firstly, the causes of the Berlin
Crisis and the Cuban Missile Crisis can be compared in relation to the
development of the Cold War. Whilst, as President Kennedy(JFK) once said that “West Berlin was the capitalist island amongst the sea of
communism”, Cuba can arguably be the socialist-communist island in the
capitalist sea. This suggested an ideological threat to both sides due to the
increased spread of the enemy’s ideology geographically and a universal
military threat since both “islands” had the potential of occupying nuclear
missiles. Both superpowers were also endangered to a loss of global support.
The USSR — when young intellectuals of East Berlin “brain drained” East
Germany(GDR) by escaping to West Germany(FRG) and the USA — when Fidel Castro
won the hearts of most Cubans when proceeding in a revolution against the USA.
This shows that minorities were capable of taking hold of some power that was
enough to cause disorders and which had an effect on weakening the sphere of
influence of the superpowers.
To point out a difference, President
Kennedy’s hard-liner policies and strengths
had increased, which provoked Khrushchev to take action in both crises, but
under opposite reasons. For example, Khrushchev took action in Berlin after JFK’s
humiliation of the Bay of Pigs disaster. His motive was that he could strengthen
communist foundation when the USA was under the weak and incapable control of
the inexperienced JFK. However, he acted upon the Cuban Missile Crisis
passively and oppressively due to the fact that communism was at danger. He was
forced to act upon JFK’s hard-liner containment policy as, if he didn’t, the
propaganda message of globalising communism would fail and weaken its
international influence. Though, it can also be argued that it was more an
opportunity to apply pressure to the capitalist USA. Another difference in the USSR’s motive for
action in the Cuban Missile Crisis in contrast to the Berlin Crisis was that in
the early 1960’s, although the USSR had sent the world’s first artificial
satellite, Sputnik, into orbit in 1957 there was the existence of a missile gap
between the USA and the economically weaker USSR. Therefore, the attempt of
putting missiles on Cuba was an attempt to disguise this military flaw and
promote the missile gap myth. However, the USA, who was leading the nuclear
weaponry industry did not have an implicit reason for action as specific as
that of the USSR’s. Khrushchev’s reasoning of putting missiles on Cuba is also
progressive to the Berlin Crisis. He wished to force US influence out of Berlin
and to prevent the establishment of an espionage base. On a wider scale, he
also intended to protect and expand communism by aiding Cuba, who was
geographically close to the USA and would benefit if war did break out. He
could use this crisis as a bargaining chip for the USA to remove its missiles
from Turkey which were a geographical threat to the soviet mainland.
Overall, the causes of the two
crises raised tension and increased the competition between the superpowers for
gradual ideological dominance in the Cold War.
Secondly, the actions and policies
of the key individuals in the two crises during the Cold War can also be
discussed. Throughout both crises, the leader in the USSR was Khrushchev,
whilst in the USA JFK was inaugurated president after Eisenhower in 1961. This
suggested that as the two leaders started to learn about the personalities and
weaknesses of the other and testing them, they would make appropriate
adjustments to their policies which would lead to a change in approach and
interaction between the two leaders in the long run. On one hand, JFK managed a
successful fight against the USSR during the Berlin Crisis which was operated
through having a flexible policy and response. This included financial aid to
the European countries opposing Communism, an increase in troops and covert
operations, keeping US citizens informed in order to maintain trust and
enlightening the world with propaganda through the World Press. These actions
depict JFK’s diverse response to Khrushchev’s
threat, not only economically and military, but also with the use of diplomatic
and covert tools as well as the International media. Whereas in the Cuban
Missile Crisis, JFK maintained a much more closed and safe approach. To avoid
military confrontation, he and the ExComm, which is made up of his cabinet of
well experienced military and political men, used the word ‘quarantine’ instead
of a ‘blockade’ of soviet ships to Cuba. This implies that the USA was being
more cautious of its attitude towards the USSR when in close proximity of a
soviet nuclear threat. Furthermore, his oppression from the USSR is shown by
his defeat in the ExComm ‘quarantine’ project and the cuban trade embargo and
also the unsuccessful military attempt of revolution at the Bay of Pigs by the
CIA trained Cuban exiles. This depicts JFK’s weaknesses and the danger
established by the immediate nuclear threat next door to the USA.
Khrushchev, also changed his stance
of power between the two crises. Restricted by JFK’s
speech of containment ‘by any means’, he bowed down to the GDR leader Ulbricht
to build the Berlin wall. This not only emphasised the increasing power of
Ulbricht inside East Germany, but it also forecasted Khrushchev’s stepping down
as the leader of the USSR later on; whereas in Cuba, Khrushchev demonstrated
communist strength by buying Cuba’s surplus sugar and signing a trade deal with
them to economically support them in face of US pressure. The USA became
increasingly anticipated by its neighbouring country turning communist. It
demonstrated the USSR’s economic catching up with the US economy and
contributed to the increase of a potential hot war as the USA despite the
acknowledgement of the missile gap still competed fiercely against the USSR to
the brink.
During the development of the Cold
War, Berlin and Cuba both received significantly different policies and
attitudes from the same leaders, this suggested that the nature of the Cold War
had changed dramatically.
Finally, there are similarities and
differences on the impact each crisis had on the Cold War. The global profile
of JFK and Khrushchev had been updated due to these two crises. Despite the
embarrassment of the Bay of Pigs, Kennedy established his hardliner attitude to
the World Press media whilst Khrushchev, had exposed the roots of his downfall.
Furthermore, both Cuba and Berlin were recognised as the ‘isolated island’ on the other side of the ‘iron curtain’.
Like Korea in 1950 and Hungary in 1956, they became pawns in the superpowers’ struggle
for ideological world dominance. However, not all were content to become pawns.
Castro, for example, was determined to not become over reliant on Moscow. This
signified the rise of new key figures and increasing competition and tension.
Another was Ulbricht in the GDR who managed to strike down collectivisation
policies and circumvent from Khrushchev’s control. But he, unlike Castro, still
lived under the roof of Moscow.
In relation to the communist spread,
differences occurred. In Berlin, the USSR had failed to spread propaganda. It
even showed a retreat in communism exhibited by the brain-drain to the West;
whilst the successful protection of Cuba prevented the termination of a seed of
communism in capitalist soil. It raised hopes of it germinating through the
fluctuation of Latin American countries disgusted by USA’s imperialist-like actions towards Cuba. The weakness of
Khrushchev gave rise to a powerful and potential People’s Republic of
China(PRC) led by Mao ZeDong, who had been constantly attentive of worldwide
issues and crises. The final difference was diplomacy. The Berlin Crisis showed
a physical division of the East Berliners from West Berliners. As a whole, it
stiffened east and west relationships especially after the U2 spy plane
incident when diplomacy was referred to as ‘dead’. However, the Cuban Missile
Crisis forced both sides to recognise the traumatic consequences if a war were
to break out with the use of nuclear weapons. To avoid this, diplomatic actions
took place such as the establishment of a direct hotline between the two leaders.
The Berlin Crisis and Cuban Missile
Crisis had a profound impact on the Cold War and it was the differences of the
two that explained the sudden travel to the brink of a nuclear hot war.
In conclusion, I believe that
although there were similarities between the two crises, it was more the
differences, specifically regarding to actions during the cuban missile crisis,
that created the multiple pathways the Cold War could go down by. The two most
significant would be the recognition of Mao and the sudden realisation for the
need of diplomacy. Mao was important as he was a new communist threat to
capitalism and had the power to cause a hot war, this point is evident by PRC’s involvement in the Korean War in the early 1950s. The
latter was a turning point in the Cold War history as it had evoked both
countries about the greater common threat and prevented an unsurvivable
holocaust for the global community.
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