by Felix Johnson
Most who know anything about Adam Smith will
likely know him as the father of modern economics, with his book The Wealth of
Nations being held up as a masterpiece of free market thinking and theory.
Almost equally as famous as his book is his example of the manufacturing of a
pinhead, used to describe the division of labour and its effect on production.
It is even printed on the £20 note, along with an image of Smith himself.
However, the nature of this example is not as it seems, and much of Smith’s
work has been either ignored or manipulated by free marketeers in order to
present him as a figure who would support measures such as austerity - due to
their more market-based principles.
Smith’s description of the effects of the
division of labour and specialisation was not to promote it as a beneficial
system that industry should attain, but rather to decry what it would cause.
Workers, already likely underpaid and in poor conditions, would lose all
variety in their jobs, performing the same task over and over again, reducing
them to cogs in a machine. He therefore advocated that factories provide
education to workers, to combat the dismality of workers. However, such an idea
was rarely, if at all considered by factory owners. A fellow classical liberal,
Wilhelm Von Humboldt, also spoke ill of workers being trained in monotonous,
repetitive but efficient work - ‘Whatever does not spring from a
man’s free choice, or is only the result of instruction and guidance, does not
enter into his very being, but remains alien to his true nature; he does not
perform it with truly human energies, but merely with mechanical exactness…we
may admire what he does, but we despise what he is.’ The social aims of many classical
liberals as a whole have also been reappropriated by market fundamentalists,
paying no attention to their equality-based end goals.
His advocacy of free markets is also
misrepresented. His support for them came from his belief that under the
conditions of ‘perfect liberty’, there would be a natural tendency towards
equality, not simply on the grounds of their possible opportunities for
economic growth. We can see today that the markets do far from tend to
inequality, and the vast stretch we see around the globe today between the rich
and the rest of the world would likely increase under purely free market
conditions, with large corporations gaining staggering power and control over
the markets as well as the people. His advocacy of free markets also relates to
his view of the state, which he regarded as instituted: ‘for the defense of the rich against the poor, or of those who have some
property against those who have none at all’.
These and many more of his views, sharply
opposed to those of his supporters today (eg, ‘The landlord’s right has its origin in robbery’), have been
overlooked into obscurity, while his support of free markets and certain
explanations of the effects of labour specialisation are still held up to this
day. Though this position is not untruthful, it is dishonest in that it fails
to account for his socially-oriented aims, and it is what allows those who
promote him to simultaneously promote ideas of austerity, which are suffocating
to those who Smith wanted to improve the lives of in a more equal society - the
working poor. The University of Chicago even went to such lengths as to print a
scholarly edition of The Wealth Of Nations, omitting many passages that belied
his socially-oriented goals.
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