by Layla Link
The pollsters
got it wrong again, this time in Colombia. On Oct. 2 Colombian voters rejected
a peace pact with the FARC, known as the Revolutionary Army Forces of Colombia, in a
surprise outcome following a plebiscite that plunged the country into uncertainty. Since 1964, when government troops
attacked a hamlet of rebellious communist peasants who went on to form the
FARC, more than 220,000 Colombians have been killed and at least 7 million driven
from their homes. However, it seems many Colombians didn’t see this deal as
being that key, after 62 percent of eligible voters didn’t show up, despite the President Juan Manuel Santos’, insistence that Colombians were
facing the most important political decision of their lifetimes.
Colombia’s president moved quickly to try to keep alive a peace bid with Marxist
rebels after the vote— throwing into doubt efforts to end half a century of
rebel war and leaving both sides scrambling to plot their next moves. Both the
President, who had warned there was no Plan B, and the FARC said the ceasefire
announced during negotiations will continue as negotiators continue working.
President Santos took a significant risk by insisting that the accord — the
product of tedious, grinding negotiations with the FARC — would be valid only
if Colombian voters gave their blessing. He said he would meet with Colombia’s opposition,
led by former president and senator Álvaro Uribe, a mortal enemy of the
FARC who has gained powerful new leverage over any potential attempt to rewrite
the peace deal. However, one needs only look at the enormous political fallout
of the UK’s bombshell Brexit vote in June to appreciate how arduous it will be for
Colombia to implement the unpredictable will of the people. The Colombian
economy is already faltering on lower commodity prices and declining oil
production.
The proposed
peace deal between the FARC and the Colombian government had taken nearly six
years to negotiate, and it won support all over the world, including the United
States, the United Nations and Pope Francis. The narrow, unexpected defeat of
the deal is the latest example of a popular backlash that has bucked polling
data and defied elite opinion. However, for many Colombians, the referendum was
about far more than a cease-fire with the FARC, or Revolutionary Armed Forces
of Colombia. Critics say it was far too lenient on the FARC: they long ago
mutated from an agrarian militant Marxist uprising to a narco terrorist
network. The deal with the rebels, became a hard sell with voters because of
the terms. They included what many called a “wrist-slap” for FARC commanders whose guerrilla tactics
included bombings, kidnappings, murders, drug trafficking and the forced
recruitment of minors. Many suffered personally from the war and were not ready
to forgive the FARC — or at least not through an accord like this one.
Former president
and senator Álvaro Uribe
was one person who led the opposition to the accord: “We insist that
corrections need to be made to respect the Constitution, not replace it,” he said,
calling for a “national pact” to rework the deal. The “transitional justice” element of the peace accord would have allowed
FARC leaders to avoid prison if they fully confessed their crimes and made
reparations to victims. Uribe could negotiate further however reopening the
negotiations will almost certainly mean harsher terms for FARC leaders and it
is hard to see FARC accepting a new deal that jails many of its members for
lengthy times behind bars.
So are Uribe and
Santos the Colombian Cameron and Corbyn? They are certainly of contrasting
personality. Mr Uribe is both intense and folksy, whereas Mr Santos is cerebral
and urbane. Uribe, whose father , a cattle rancher, was killed by the guerrillas,
is beloved by the traditional Colombian landowners who bore the brunt of the
FARC’s rural terrorism. Santos is a member of the wealthy and influential
Santos family. More importantly, they differ as to how Colombia should be run.
Maybe a coalition would be the answer. One US official said a national unity
coalition that could transcend Uribe’s rivalry with Santos and produce a
new, broadly supported peace accord could be a better outcome.
In the end, many
Colombian voters were skeptical of Santos’s promises of sweeping transformations and peace and appear to have sided with Uribe’s darker
vision of the accord as a FARC Trojan horse to take power.
Comments
Post a Comment
Comments with names are more likely to be published.