by Luke Farmer
The covered faces of brutal and barbaric Islamic State
fighters are regularly invading our TV screens. This culture of cruelty and the
increasing calls of Islam being a ‘violent’ religion, eloquently refuted by
Mehdi Hasan at the Oxford Union, create conceptions of the Middle East (at
least in peaceful and tolerant countries like ours) of being both backward and
bloody. But, unknown to most, the central area of the Middle East, Mesopotamia,
used to be anything but anarchic. It was home, according to a consensus of
classical historians, to the first civilisation of mankind where the population
enjoyed similar securities to those we enjoy today: food, housing and rule of
law to name just a few. And so, as a result of such a paradox between the
region’s past and present, it is important to ask why the Middle East has
experienced such trauma.
Firstly, the tensions in the Middle East can fundamentally
be traced down to religious differences. Whilst the region is dominated by
Islam, with its origins lying in Saudi Arabia, tensions between the dominant
denominations of Shia and Sunni cause conflict. One contemporary example is the
rise of Islamic State in Iraq, able to exploit grievances of Sunni desert tribes
in the North of the country against the Shia government. Recent scenes near the
city of Falluja- just 50 miles from the nation’s capital- reinforce this. In
footage captured by Vice News, Iraqi soldiers- recapturing the city from the same
fighters we see as barbaric- were greeted with little more than disdain and
distrust. And these tensions in the Middle East underpin not just tensions
among the population, but between sovereign states. Current conflicts in the
region act as proxy wars between the powerful countries within the region,
based along religious lines. For example, the current Yemen Civil War pits a
Sunni Gulf State coalition backing the Sunni government against Shia rebels
supported by Shia sympathisers, such as Iran. Aggressive action by powerful
players in the region hardly promotes peace and prosperity. Religion in the
Middle East isn’t just religion, but a sense of community in a diverse and
dangerous region- meaning it is inevitable to consider it an important factor
in explaining the instability.
Religion doesn’t provide the only barrier between groups in
the Middle East. Ethnic divisions are also problematic to peace, with groups
such as the Kurds- whose community spans four countries from Turkey to Iran-
seeking an end to suppression. Seemingly forever, this group has suffered and
been suppressed, from Saddam Hussein’s massacres of them in the 80s to Turkey’s
continued refusal to recognise their desire for independence- or even their
ethnicity. Today, Kurdish Iraqi militias alone control territory populated by
over 5 million people. This is while the Kurdish militant movement in Turkey
further complicates peace processes, with the Turkish government being hostile
to the idea of working with their enemies. Similarly, Israel has had rocky
relations with other states in the region, epitomised by conflicts such as the
Yom Kippur war 1973 against a large Arab coalition. These divisions can largely
be explained by ethnicity, alongside religion. Much of the denial by both
Hamas, the Palestinian government, and Likud, the Israeli Government, of the
‘two state solution’ centres on who should inhabit Palestine. But the key
question is which people, Jews or Arabs, have the right to determine this?
Lastly, a history of foreign intervention and interference
in the region sometimes helps, but on at least an equal amount of occasions has
hindered. Intervention can be seen as interference, rather than providing
idealism and independence, due to the damaging ramifications on the region.
Even Tony Blair had to admit the 2003 Iraq Invasion contributed to the rise of
ISIS. This is while the Afghan invasion of 2001 by a Western coalition has
produced little beneficial: tens of thousands of deaths, an oligarchic
government similar to Russia and continued significance of the Taliban.
Similarly, foreign intervention hasn’t just failed in deterring the rise of
religious radicalism but has in fact fuelled it. Conflict in recent decades
involving the West has created a perception of them being ‘invaders’- hardly
helped by history of the Crusades. Western intervention has created another
division in the Middle East- between collaborators and conservatives. The West
has been sucked into emphasising this adversarial mind-set epitomised Western
papers such as the New York Times even refusing to call an Israeli car bomb
killing an Iranian Scientist in 2012 terrorism. This adversarial element to the
Middle East has only started decreasing in recent years, with the West
negotiating a deal with Iran to end sanctions in 2015. And so, as a result of
history, it is clear to see how unity in the Middle East has failed and
divisions prevailed.
As a result of such prominent divisions in the region, it is
unforeseeable that the region will calm to a cool stability in the next few
decades. The West has categorically lacked an understanding of the complexities
and paid the consequences in its futile intervention. To me it seems clear that
if intervention is going to work it should be based on support for government
forces in the region, strengthening their ability to create sustainable states.
This may well be at the heart of Obama’s policy of not sending in group troops
but rather a steady elimination of ISIS. His strategy may not be the fastest at
destroying ISIS but it could be more effective in ending the presence of future
threats to countries in the region.
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